Late last night (Japan Time), I happened to open my Facebook and was very surprised to learn this sad news.
Since 3 May 2013, I have been quite fortunate to be included one of Professor Rubin's Facebook friends. I learned his work by Dr. Daniel Pipes who had quoted his writings in the similar direction of the analysis on the Middle East, Islamism, the American diplomacy, the State of Israel, and the Jewish history.
(1) I sometimes quoted his writings on this English blog: http://d.hatena.ne.jp/itunalily2/20131217
(2) I also wrote about his work on my Japanese blog: http://d.hatena.ne.jp/itunalily/20130925
(3) I introduced some of his video clippings on my another English blog: http://pub.ne.jp/itunalily/?search=20519&mode_find=word&keyword=Barry+Rubin
(4) I bought and read two of his books: "Jew: Assimilation and its Discontents" and "Hating America: A History". I was thinking to buy other books entitled "Israel-An Introduction" and "Children of Dolhinov-Our Ancestors and Ourselves" after finishing some of the related books on the Middle East and the Jewish history.
(5) I subscribed to his "Rubin Reports" and "GLORIA Center" newsletters from last May. I could not catch up with all of his articles under such a high pace, but I tried my best to read almost of them. The last report and newsletter reached me on 22 January 2014 respectively.
Although I knew that he had been suffering from cancer (lung and brain) and received a chemo therapy for a while through his Facebook, I was always encouraged and impressed by his extraordinary efforts to continue writing to educate us about the complicated, dangerous Middle East region.
"Blessed is the True Judge" ....Please rest in peace after a long physical, spiritual, and intellectual battle, dear Professor Barry Rubin. (Lily)
1. Jerusalem Post (http://www.jpost.com)
February 4, 2014 Tuesday 4 AdarI 5774
‘Jerusalem Post' columnist Barry Rubin dies
by Ariel Ben Solomon
Longtime "Post" columnist, Middle East scholar, and author passes away at the age of 64.
Barry Rubin, one of the most important, indefatigable, and prolific commentators on Middle East politics, international affairs, and world history – often touching on Jewish topics and Zionism – passed away on Monday morning after falling into a coma in his 18-month battle with cancer.
Prof. Rubin was the director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center at the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya for nearly two decades and a long-time columnist for The Jerusalem Post. He also was the Middle East editor and featured columnist at PJ Media, editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal, and editor of the Turkish Studies Journal.
American-born Rubin, a former Fulbright and Council on Foreign Relations fellow, received his Ph.D from Georgetown University in 1978 and taught both at major Israeli and American Universities.
Most of his commentary was published on his widely read personal blog, The Rubin Report, a treasure trove of insight for thousands of followers. Moreover, Rubin authored and edited numerous books and thousands of articles.
Upon being diagnosed with cancer in 2012, Rubin wrote:
“People always asked me why I wrote so much and so intensively. I never told them one of the real reasons: I always expected my life would be limited. My grandfathers died, respectively, at 42 and 44, both of things that could have been cured today. My father died of a heart attack at 62, and his life probably could have been extended many years today by all the new tests and drugs available. But I felt that once I passed that birthday, less than a year ago, I might be living on borrowed time.”
Rubin was a strenuous defender of Jews, Israel, and US interests and an intellectual, who probably would not be comfortable with the label, considering that he viewed modern day elite and the mainstream media with great suspicion.
Rubin did not see a near-term solution to the Israel-Palestinian conflict, believing Jews should defend themselves. Anti-Semitism was "at the highest point in the West and the world generally since 1945," he wrote in 2010, believing that the West is in denial about this reality. He saw revolutionary Islamism as the current driving force behind this hatred.
“Let us try to preserve as much as possible of the rapidly disappearing Jewish people. And if you want to boycott someone, why not start with those who insist on remaining our enemies and who would like to murder us?” he said.
Rubin was extremely gifted in analyzing political events as they happened, giving them meaning and foreseeing developments before they played out.
For example, he saw early on that the Turkish government, led by Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Islamist-AK Party was no friend of Israel or the West.
In a post titled, “Turkish Regime Changes Sides, West Avert Eyes,” he wrote:
“The foolish think that the breakdown is due to the recent Gaza flotilla crisis. The merely naive attribute the collapse to the December 2008-January 2009 Israel-Hamas war in the Gaza Strip. Such conclusions are totally misleading. It was already clear―and in private every Israeli expert dealing seriously with Turkey said so―well over two years ago.”
On the “Arab Spring,” he was one of the first to say that what was happening was not going to lead to true democracy in the region, but to an Islamist rise to power.
Writing weeks after the Egyptian revolution erupted in January 2011, he foresaw that the Muslim Brotherhood were playing a more important role than what the media was letting on:
“Without stinting the courage and efforts of the urban, middle-class, young, Facebook crowd, the Muslim Brotherhood had more to do with this event than Western observers realize. It was in close touch with the Facebook crowd and knew what was going on at every moment. It was not caught by surprise but simply held back to avoid committing itself to a devastating defeat that would end in harsh repression.”
A late initiative of his was to put free editions of some of his books online on the Gloria Center website. Some of Rubin’s books were: Israel: An Introduction, Yasir Arafat: A Political Biography, and Revolution Until Victory?: The Politics and History of the PLO.
His forthcoming book, Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of the Modern Middle East, deals with the relationship forged during the 1930s and 40s between Nazi leaders, Arab nationalists, and Muslim religious figures.
Rubin also wrote about his ancestry and those who perished in the Holocaust. In 2013, he published Children of Dolhinov, an account of the Jews of Dolhinov, which today is part of Belarus.
“For 2000 years my ancestors dreamed of returning to their homeland and reestablishing their sovereignty. I have had the privilege of living that dream. How amazing is that?”
Writing from his hospital bed in 2012, he wrote:
“Thanks to our Creator for our lives and thanks to our Creator for the chances we are given--often more than we merit--to transcend those lives by good deeds, integrity, solidarity with those who stand for the just and the free, and love for our fellows.”
He is survived by his wife Judith Colp Rubin and their two children.
The funeral will take place on Tuesday at 11:00AM at the Kiryat Shaul Cemetery in Tel Aviv. Shiva will be held at the Rubin family home: 16 Haim Ve-Elisha St. Apt. 2, Tel Aviv.
・All rights reserved 1995 - 2012 The Jerusalem Post.
2. Haaretz (http://www.haaretz.com)
Barry Rubin, Israeli columnist and professor, dies aged 64
The prolific writer and academic lost an 18-month battle with cancer, according to reports.
by Haaretz
3 February 2014
Professor, political analyst and writer Barry Rubin passed away on Monday at the age of 64.
Rubin's death was announced on his Facebook page: "To our great sadness, Barry Rubin passed away this morning. He was surrounded by his wife and children. Your love, support, and prayers have been greatly appreciated. There will be shiva and a funeral, details to follow soon."
According to posts on social media, Rubin had been battling cancer for the past 18 months and had fallen into a coma on Sunday night.
Rubin, a native of the United States, served as director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and editor of the journal "Middle East Review of International Affairs."
He wrote several books about the region and the Israeli-Arab conflict, including "The Israel-Arab Reader," "The Long War for Freedom: The Arab Struggle for Democracy in the Middle East" and "The Truth About Syria." He also frequently wrote for the Jerusalem Post and blogged at The Rubin Report.
Rubin made multiple televised appearances on American news and talk shows and his writing was published in more than a dozen newspapers across the world.
He is survived by his wife, Judith Colp Rubin, and their two children.
3. Tablet (http://www.tabletmag.com)
Did Zionism Cause the Holocaust? A New Biography Says Yes.
The authors of a new history of the Grand Mufti Amin Al-Husaini’s ties to Nazis fail to carry their logic to its flawed conclusion, 3 February 2014
by David Mikics
Back in graduate school we used to snort derisively at the Great Man Theory of History, and not just because of that unfashionably sexist “Man.” Only a simpleton, we thought, would neglect world-historical forces like the rising middle class or the struggling proletariat in favor of the force of personality. But just try imagining modern history without Mao, Lenin, or Hitler. The really great and really terrible ones really did change the world.
Now, in Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of the Modern Middle East, Barry Rubin and Wolfgang Schwanitz advance a dark-horse candidate for the Great Man theory: Amin al-Husaini, the Grand Mufti of Palestine, close pal of Hitler and champion of Islamist radicalism, and the unchallenged leader of the Palestinians until he anointed Yasser Arafat as his successor in 1968. If the Germans hadn’t sent Lenin to St. Petersburg in that sealed railway car, no Bolshevik Revolution; if Hindenburg hadn’t named Hitler Chancellor, no Nazi regime. If the British hadn’t made al-Husaini Grand Mufti in 1921 in reward for his espionage work for them, no Final Solution… .
Yes, you heard right. Rubin and Schwanitz make the astonishing claim that al-Husaini is nothing less than the architect of the Final Solution. Rather than being a garden-variety pro-Nazi, they say, the mufti had so great an influence on the fuehrer that he might as well have authored Nazi Germany’s most demonic project, the mass murder of European Jewry.
The claim that al-Husaini was the hidden hand behind Adolf Hitler is implausible, even silly. Rubin and Schwanitz are historians with a political agenda: They want to show that eliminationist anti-Semitism animates the Islamic Middle East, and so they paint al-Husaini as so devilishly anti-Semitic that he can contend with Hitler himself.
Yet Rubin and Schwanitz’s claim also has serious, troubling implications. Where did al-Husaini’s passionate hatred of Jews come from? Indisputably, from the Jewish colonization of Palestine. So, if you follow Rubin and Schwanitz’s logic―as they themselves fail to do―Zionism is responsible for the Holocaust. No Zionist colonization of Palestine would mean no Arab anti-Semitism, which means no al-Husaini, which means no Final Solution. The authors use a historical life to advance their political reading of the Arab-Israeli conflict―without thinking through the risks of loading their political agenda onto historical analysis.
That al-Husaini was a radical anti-Semite is not the real news in Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of the Modern Middle East. We knew that already. Though al-Husaini was put in power by Britain, he eagerly embraced Nazism and rivaled Hitler in his fanatical anti-Semitism―and frequently proclaimed that the Middle East needed to rid itself of its Jews. Al-Husaini spent the war years in Berlin enjoying the high life: The Nazis put him up in luxurious fashion, with the equivalent of a $12 million a year salary. Hitler, who admired the mufti for his manly ardor and his “Aryan” blue eyes, promised him that extermination would occur in Palestine as soon as Rommel’s tanks broke through the British lines in Egypt and rolled into Zionist territory.
Al-Husaini met often with Eichmann and Himmler during his tours of occupied Poland, and he helped Eichmann escape to Argentina after the war. His most important wartime mission was recruiting for the SS in Bosnia. He almost certainly visited the gas chambers in Auschwitz, a sight that seems likely to have gladdened his heart. But for the most part, he remained a man of vile words rather than vile deeds.
Where Rubin and Schwanitz depart from the known historical record is in their dubious causal assertion that Hitler’s commitment to al-Husaini to keep Jews out of Palestine was in turn a major motivation for the fuehrer’s decision, sometime in 1941, to exterminate European Jewry. It’s true, as Rubin and Schwanitz make clear, that the mufti advocated genocide against the Jews even before Hitler did. Like Hitler, he thought of Jews as subhuman and evil parasites. But the notion that al-Husaini played a key role in Hitler’s settling on the Final Solution is based on one piece of thin hearsay evidence: comments that the controversial Hungarian Jewish leader Rudolf Kastner attributed to Eichmann’s subordinate Dieter Wisliceny. (Rubin and Schwanitz oddly credit the comments to Eichmann himself.)
As Christopher Browning has argued, Hitler’s opting for genocide can much more plausibly be traced to his exultation over what looked like a blitzschnell conquest of Russia in midsummer 1941. The fuehrer dropped his earlier vague notion of getting rid of millions of Jews by shipping them “beyond the Urals”; in the joy of what he thought was victory, he set about to make his new Eastern empire Judenfrei in the most direct and terrible way imaginable.
Al-Husaini may not have given Hitler the idea for the Holocaust, but his actions and words were vile enough. In his memoirs he boasted that he had prevented thousands of Jewish children from emigrating to Palestine in 1942 and 1943 and expressed satisfaction that they instead headed to Poland and death. The Muslim Brotherhood founder Hassan al-Banna lauded al-Husaini after the war: “What a hero, what a miracle of a man. … Germany and Hitler are gone, but Amin al-Husaini will continue the struggle.”
Yet Rubin and Schwanitz make al-Husaini responsible not only for the manifest evil of his own words and deeds, but also for the Holocaust―and for the subsequent birth of Israel and the entirety of the subsequent Arab-Israeli conflict. According to Rubin and Schwanitz, Israel only became a reality through the mufti’s rejection of the 1939 White Paper and, later, his staunch opposition to the U.N. partition of Palestine in 1947. If not for the mufti’s powerful naysaying, they argue, Britain’s White Paper would have been accepted by the Arabs, who would soon have ruled Palestine. This was the clear promise of the White Paper, which would have ended Jewish emigration to Palestine after five years. After 10 years, with Arabs still in the majority, the White Paper promised an binational state.
So, without the grand mufti, no Israel. But al-Husaini, Rubin and Schwanitz say, is also responsible for the lack of peace between Israel and most of the Arab world. According to Rubin and Schwanitz, there’s a single man behind the radicalism of Middle East politics since the 1930s, right down to the present day: The mufti made rejectionism look glorious, paving the way for countless Arab demagogues who trumpeted the notion that standing up to Israel and the West is heroic, while compromise is treason. Scorning the practical, clinging to noble but failed memories of revolt: These became dominant ideas in Middle East politics thanks to al-Husaini.
There are a few obvious problems with Rubin and Schwanitz’s fingering of al-Husaini as the lynchpin of Middle Eastern radicalism. Al-Husaini was never a revered leader or teacher, much less a head of state like Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser. Rubin and Schwanitz don’t even try to make the case that al-Husaini can compare as a source of anti-Western doctrine to Sayyid Qutb, the intellectual spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood. If al-Husaini’s hard-line stance really was and still is so appealing to the Arab world, this must be due to a force more powerful than the mufti himself. (The Arab street to this day cherishes the idea that any concessions at all to Israel or the West are acts of treachery.) Al-Husseini’s radicalism is significant only because it found an answer, an echo, in Arab culture.
Had the mufti embraced the White Paper, history would have turned out just the same. The Jews would never have accepted it, since it would have meant being ruled by an Arab majority. Soon enough, the Palestinians proved more amenable to Britain’s sweetheart deal. Though the mufti rejected the White Paper in 1939 in loyalty to the Arab High Committee slogan, “The Englishmen to the sea and the Jews to the graves,” the other Palestinian leaders, Amin’s brother Jamal al-Husaini and Musa al-Alami, reportedly accepted the White Paper in Baghdad the following year (a fact oddly ignored by Rubin and Schwanitz). And Britain appeased the Arabs even more by slowing Jewish emigration to Palestine to a trickle during the war, below the level allowed in the White Paper.
Rubin and Schwanitz also bring up the Arab rejection of the 1947 U.N. Partition Plan, which they see as another missed Palestinian opportunity masterminded by the extremist al-Husaini, but here they are on even shakier ground. The moment the U.N. resolution passed, there were massive street demonstrations in the Arab world protesting the outrage. Arab governments went to war because the resolution had ignited the passions of the people. The U.N. partition plan was no bargain for the Palestinians. Nearly half of the Palestinians would have become a minority under Jewish rule; the Zionists would have gotten over half the land, including the best regions for agriculture, though they were far less than half of the population. Of course, the Arab countries might have rejected any partition plan; but this one especially could not be defended in the face of the intense uproar in the streets. Al-Husaini had little to do with the Arabs’ decision to go to war.
Yet it is also a fact that sympathy with the Nazis runs deep in the Arab world. Even now, the mufti’s closeness to Hitler increases rather than diminishes his reputation. No Arab country ever expelled a Nazi war criminal; on the contrary, Arab regimes sheltered thousands of ex-Nazis, many of whom were guilty of war crimes. Nazi sympathizers―Nasser and his men, Assad’s Baathists―ruled Egypt and Syria for decades after WWII. Nasser’s ex-Nazi adviser Johann von Leers introduced him to the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which Nasser made a canonical text for the Middle East. Even Anwar Sadat, who later became a heroic maker of peace with Israel, began his career as a Nazi collaborator, and when rumors surfaced in 1953 that Hitler was still alive, Sadat wrote a fervent public letter declaring, “I congratulate you with all my heart, because though you appear to have been defeated, you were the real victor. … That you have become immortal in Germany is reason enough for pride.”
Rubin and Schwanitz set the stage for the Nazi-Islamist connection with an account of Max von Oppenheim, the subject last year of a fascinating exchange between Walter Laqueur and Lionel Gossman in Tablet. Oppenheim spearheaded the German effort to spur an Islam-wide jihad during WWI, and he continued to work for Germany in WWII as well. (Rubin and Schwanitz claim that Oppenheim had Jewish parents who converted to Catholicism when he was a child; in fact, his mother was Catholic, and his father was a Jew who had converted to Catholicism before Oppenheim was born. Such errors aside, the story of Germany’s effort to spark a Muslim uprising against British rule during WWI, as well as the alliance between Germany and the genocidal Turkish government, is grippingly told here.)
Despite the overblown claims for the mufti’s central role, Rubin and Schwanitz do an illuminating job showing the extent of the partnership between Germans and Islamists; this is by far the best part of their book. Germany had a long history of encouraging Jihadism even before Hitler’s rise to power. But Max von Oppenheim is not any more responsible for 21st-century suicide bombers than the mufti or Hitler is. The German connection does not explain Islamic radicalism; it remains part of the background.
Yes, the mufti remains a source of inspiration to those who dream of annihilating Israel and establishing a purely Muslim Middle East cleansed of Jews and Christians. But that doesn’t mean he changed history.
Rubin and Schwanitz present their book as a necessary look back at the past that helps us understand the present, but the present needs a more careful analysis, one that pays serious attention to today’s bewildering, strife-ridden Middle East. Yes, the mufti remains a source of inspiration to those who dream of annihilating Israel and establishing a purely Muslim Middle East cleansed of Jews and Christians. But that doesn’t mean he changed history. There is never a lack for prophets of violence in the Arab world, or Islamists who look to the Nazis as models of proper neighborly relations with Jews and with others.
The Nazi-Islamist connection doesn’t explain the staying power of Middle East extremism. What we need to grasp instead is why, despite the hopes aroused by the Arab Spring, the alternatives to extremism in the Middle East remain so weak. Muslim extremism has behind it a long tradition, bolstered by Oppenheim and al-Husaini, among others. But that’s not what makes the pursuit of heroic martyrdom pay off, or what renders the frightened majority in the Arab world so incapable of taming the terrorists―secular and religious―among them.
Iran’s quest for the bomb has made the question of whether the Muslim rejection of Israel is at bottom eliminationist properly seem urgent to many Jews and to others who believe that genocide in the Middle East would be a bad thing. The answer can’t be found in great men, nor was the eclipse of moderation in the Muslim Middle East caused by personalities like al-Husaini, Nasser, Arafat, Khomeini, and Assad p�・re and fils. The bad guys are only the expression of something more basic: a region splintered ethnically and spiritually, marked by fervent religious yearning, burning with rage against both Western meddling and its own rulers, and in desperate need of a common enemy―a role in which the Jews have always served rather nicely.
・David Mikics is the author, most recently, of Slow Reading in a Hurried Age. He lives in Brooklyn and Houston, where he is John and Rebecca Moores Professor of English at the University of Houston.
4.American Thinker(http://www.americanthinker.com)
Dr. Barry Rubin dead at 64, 3 February 2014
by Rick Moran
A staunch defender of Israel is dead. Columnist, scholar, and author Dr. Barry Rubin died last night after a battle with cancer. He was 64.
The Jewish Press said of him, "Barry Rubin's was a rare voice of clarity in the Israeli academia and in Jewish media. He was one of the good guys."
Indeed he was. Barry Rubin was director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center, editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA), and a professor at the Interdisciplinary Center (IDC) in Herzliya, Israel. He was also editor of the journal Turkish Studies, and penned frequent columns at PJ Media where he served as Middle East Editor.
His "voice" rang true when he defended Israel, especially from western critics. But Rubin was no apologist for the Jewish state, being a frequent critic of government policies. He also brought clarity to the Palestinian issue, exposing the blindness of the Obama administration to the real goals of Palestinian diplomacy.
His criticism of Secretary of State Kerry (and his predecessor Hillary Clinton) was harsh, fact based, and relentless, exposing their naivete and stupidity time and time again. Few scholars had the depth of knowledge and understanding of the entire region - its history, its people its politics - and Dr. Rubin employed this understanding to show how dreadful American policy in the region had become.
His output was astonishing. Columns, blog posts, books, as well as editing GLORIA's website. He explained his busy life this way:
It's like an iceberg. What you see is only a small portion of what goes on behind the scenes, including contacts with people all over the region, sometimes people whose lives would be in danger if it were known they were talking to me. As an Israeli, I often find it's much easier to talk with Turks, Iranians and Arabs because we are on the same page - especially in private - about understanding the reality of the region compared to the fantasies often held in Western academic, media and governmental circles.
One of the little known contributions Dr. Rubin made to the defense of Israel was his mentoring of students, bloggers, and writers. Dozens of men and women received the benefit of his wisdom. No one who worked with him could forget the largeness of spirit he demonstrated while sharing his thoughts and ideas.
That he was largely ignored by western academics rankled him. He knew he was smarter, more knowledgable, far less enamored of politically correct talking points about Palestinians and Muslims in general than his counterparts at the institutions of higher learning in the US and Europe. He believes that this attitude is suicidal and a danger to Israel.
I had the great good fortune of working with Barry on a number of his articles at PJ Media, and I interviewed him a couple of times on my radio show (He got up at 4 in the AM to call in). He was an original, to be sure. He did not suffer fools gladly and was direct in his criticism of some of my other guests who got the history wrong, or drew the wrong conclusions. But he was never mean spirited about it, acting more the professor than prosecutor.
A powerful voice for Israel has been stilled.
5.PJMedia（http://pjmedia.com）
R.I.P. Barry Rubin, 3 February 2014
by Patrick Poole
Remembering an honored colleague, mentor, and friend.
I was very sad to hear this morning of the passing of our friend and PJ Media contributor Barry Rubin following a 17 month battle with cancer. I know for many of us our thoughts and prayers go out to his family.
It has truly been a privilege to call Barry a colleague, a mentor and a friend. When Barry was living in the U.S. several years ago, we would have lunch together every time I was in D.C. at his favorite Chinese restaurant in Bethesda. Always generous with his time, we would have lengthy conversations about recent Middle East events over cashew chicken. Even at the time I would marvel at how much I would learn from those lunch discussions.
After his return to Israel, we would keep in touch by email, with Barry regularly offering encouragement and advice for whatever endeavor I happened to be working on at the time. We would find time to meet whenever he was in the States on a speaking tour or for a conference.
Then came the cancer diagnosis. That notwithstanding, Barry continued with his work.
This past July, Barry and his son served as reenactors at the 150th anniversary of the Battle of Gettysburg. I brought a group of friends, mostly reporters and Hill staff, up for the day. Finding Barry amidst thousands of blue-garbed reenactors was like finding a specific needle in a stack of needles, but find him we did. Again, always generous with his time, he plopped down under a tree and gave us an impromptu half-hour briefing of what was happening in Egypt (Morsi had been removed from office the day before) and how it would play out in the Middle East.
I was fortunate enough to see Barry again in September while I was in Israel. I arrived at the Rubins’ apartment in Tel Aviv literally just moments after they had received devastating news that the cancer had advanced. It would have been understandable if they had cancelled plans for the evening. And yet Barry was undeterred, and we walked to a cafe nearby where we had a very candid and personal conversation about mortality. He expressed concern for the care of his family and how much they meant to him.
It was a pleasant surprise a week later as I was beginning to tour Yad Vashem in Jerusalem when I felt a hand on my shoulder and turned around to see Barry and his family. We walked together though the museum until Barry grew tired. We met later for dinner, and his wife Judy and son Daniel were gracious as I occupied Barry’s time with shop-talk. That was the last time I saw him.
It is impossible to measure how much PJ Media and its readers have benefited from Barry’s insights and how the world will continue to benefit from his whole body of work (with books by and edited by Barry still forthcoming). I know that over the next few days others who knew Barry better and longer will offer more substantial remembrances. But as I get ready for this cold, rainy day in Washington, D.C. I will be thinking today about my colleague, mentor and friend; the kindness, forbearance, graciousness and wisdom he was always willing to impart to me; and offering prayers of comfort for his family.
May his memory be a blessing.
・Patrick Poole is a national security and terrorism correspondent for PJMedia.
6.(https://twitter.com/DanielPipes)
Daniel Pipes @DanielPipes 17h
Mourning #BarryRubin. We go back to 1979. I admired his many writings, starting with "Paved with Good Intentions": http://www.danielpipes.org/8219/paved-with-good-intentions …
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